A New – Catholic – Direction for the GOP?

A shift in policy as Catholics take positions in the Trump administration

If you value articles like this, sign up for our daily email newsletter and support us with a donation.

The Trump administration is taking the reins of power in a time of significant economic instability, social fragmentation, and growing disillusionment with modern political systems. Through his administration a quiet but profound shift is taking place that is changing American conservatism. This shift, which many are calling "common good conservatism," offers a stark contrast to the individualistic liberalism and globalist philosophies that have dominated Republican politics for decades. As Catholic social teaching finds unexpected allies within this movement, faithful Catholics have a unique opportunity to reflect on why this transformation matters and how it could reshape the future for individuals, families, and society as a whole.

WHAT IS HAPPENING: THE RETURN OF THE COMMON GOOD

For decades, certain ideals have served as pillars of American conservatism. These principles championed individualism, limited government, and globalism (along with the open borders and free trade that brought) as the surest path to prosperity and freedom.

While these ideas were touted as the gold standard of political and economic policies, they came at a cost: declining family stability, the gutting of local economies via the outsourcing of jobs and importing of cheap labor, undermining long-established communities with endless waves of foreign migration, declining wages, increasing inflation, and widening wealth gaps (the erosion of the American middle class.) Today, many Americans are questioning whether the globalist idea, left unchecked, truly serves the greater good.

Of course, there are aspects of these ideas that are good. Free markets have been shown to work more efficiently than controlled economies, and global trade does have a positive economic impact. Limited government, as President Ronald Reagan championed, does unshackle national prosperity. Individual liberties, as enshrined in the Constitution, are a critical part of the greatness of America in its founding and its continued success.

But those ingredients of prosperity are only half the story.

Along with free markets and global trade, the utilization of tariffs and certain national protections have always been a part of American economic success. In a competitive world, completely unchecked "free trade" actually has a detrimental effect on the national economy. A clear example of this can be seen in the outsourcing of American manufacturing during the 1990s, when companies moved production to countries with cheaper labor costs. While this reduced prices for some goods, it devastated local economies across the United States, particularly in the industrial Midwest. High paying, stable jobs in manufacturing were replaced by lower wage service sector employment, leading to economic and social decline in many communities.

Carl Schmitt, the renowned political theorist, offered key insights into why this occurs. Schmitt argued that unchecked global economic liberalism erodes national sovereignty by transferring decision-making power to external economic forces, such as multinational corporations and international trade organizations. This undermines the state's ability to prioritize the wellbeing of its own citizens, as economic policies become disconnected from local needs. For Schmitt, the economy cannot exist outside of politics; a nation's government has a duty to protect its workers, industries and communities from external economic domination.

Schmitt also warned against the the pathological pursuit of profit to the point where it overrides moral and social considerations. In the context of free trade, this manifests in the exploitation of workers, the destruction of local industries, and cultural homogenization. By treating markets as amoral entities, nations risk sacrificing their social cohesion and identity along with harming the millions of individuals who make up the nation. Schmitt's insights align with the principles of Catholic social teaching, particularly the ideas of subsidiarity and solidarity, which call for economic systems that serve the common good rather than solely corporate or global interests.

Enter common-good conservatism, a philosophy that seeks to balance freedom with moral and social responsibilities. This emerging movement draws inspiration from Catholic social teaching, which emphasizes the common good, solidarity and subsidiarity. The market, in this view, is not an end in itself, but a tool to be used to improve the nation. However, it is a tool that must serve human dignity, families and communities. As Rachel Bovard, of the Conservative Partnership Institute notes, "The market is not an end unto itself. The market has a purpose – and that is to create a free and flourishing society. If the family is not doing well, society is not doing well."

This vision marks a significant break from the Reagan-era conservatism that focused primarily on global free trade. Where Republicans were once wary of government intervention, many now see the state as something that must exist in any civilized society and, as such, believe it should be used as the tool it is to reshape economic and social policy in favor of the common good. Policies once unthinkable for conservatives, such as support for labor unions, tariffs to protect domestic industries, and expanded child tax credits, are gaining traction among leaders and voters alike.

WHO IS DRIVING THIS CHANGE?

At the forefront of this transformation are prominent Catholic figures and other leaders who share a vision for a more family-oriented and morally-grounded conservatism. Among them is JD Vance, Donald Trump's vice presidential pick and a Catholic convert. Vance's embrace of "post liberal" thought represents a deliberate attempt to reorient conservatism away from individualism and toward a politics of virtue and solidarity.

Vance's actions speak to this shift: he famously joined a United Auto Workers picket line last year, highlighting his belief that the dignity of workers must come before the profits of global corporations. He and others have drawn on Pope Leo XIII's 1891 encyclical Rerum Novarum, which condemned the excesses of industrial capitalism while affirming the rights of labor and the duty of the state to promote justice. This perspective, though often misused (through the Marxist lens) as a tool of "deconstruction," is actually just a restatement of the very conservative concept of Noblesse Oblige – the idea that the nobility (or in the case of our contemporary world the leaders, whether in business or government) have an obligation to those who work for them, who partake in the creation of the broader society.  

Another key figure in this movement is Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., Trump's nominee for Secretary of Health and Human Services. While Kennedy hails from a storied Democratic family, his concerns about the commodification of human health resonate deeply with Catholic teaching on human dignity. Kennedy's critiques of Big Pharma, Big Food and Big Tech echo a growing sentiment among Americans that when profit-seeking becomes pathological – as in, when harm is being done to innocents just to "make a buck," something is off. And if the leaders of the corporate world fail to maintain their own virtue, then their effects must be curbed to preserve human flourishing.

Other Catholic leaders nominated to key positions include Marco Rubio as Secretary of State and Lori Chavez-DeRemer as Labor Secretary. Their influence, alongside Trump's broader populist agenda, is steering the Republican Party in a new direction – one that aligns more closely with Catholic principles.

WHY THIS CHANGE MATTERS IN A TIME OF CRISIS

This movement is not occurring in a vacuum. America today faces an economic and cultural crisis that impacts millions of working- and middle-class families. Wages have stagnated while the cost of living – housing, education, healthcare – has soared. At the same time, big government and big corporations have grown enormously powerful, consolidating wealth and influence at the expense of ordinary people.

Many families are feeling the strain. Middle class aspirations like buying a home, raising children, and saving for retirement feel increasingly out of reach. Declining birth rates, cultural confusion over gender roles, and the pervasive influence of technology further erode the stability of family life.

Common-good conservatism offers an alternative. By prioritizing families and communities over corporate profits and individual consumerism, it provides a vision for economic and social renewal. Policies such as an expanded child tax credit, support for homeschooling, a focus on bringing jobs and economic recovery, and restrictions on harmful cultural trends reflect a commitment to fostering a society where families can thrive.

As Terry Schilling, president of the American Principles Project, explains: "President Trump has put together a very pro-family platform that wants to return the family to the center of public policy again. Obviously, I think that's very Catholic. I don't think he's trying to be very Catholic. It just so happens to coincide with Catholic principles and Catholic teaching."

For families, the rise of common-good conservatism could signal a return to policies that align with the moral and social vision of the Church. Unlike pathological individualism (divorced from and often antagonistic toward community), which often leaves families to fend for themselves, this new approach recognizes that the flourishing of individuals depends on strong families, and the flourishing of families depends on a supportive society.

Policies like expanded child tax credits and citizen focused economic reforms could help alleviate the financial pressures many families face. Assistance of local institutions, such as churches and non-profits, would empower communities to provide social and moral support in ways that big government cannot.

Importantly, this shift also reflects a growing skepticism toward big business and its unchecked influence. Whether it's Big Tech exploiting children through social media, Big Pharma profiting from over-medicalization, or Big Ag prioritizing health-impacting shortcuts to profit over human health, common-good conservatism calls for a moral reckoning with these industries. The market, it argues, must be directed toward the service of the human person, not the other way around.

THE ROAD AHEAD: A CHRISTIAN VISION FOR SOCIETY

The rise of common-good conservatism marks a unique moment for Catholics in America. For too long, political discourse has been shaped by ideologies that either idolize a pathological individualism or place excessive faith in government bureaucracy. Neither approach fully aligns with a properly-ordered society in which families, communities and workers – the people of the nation – are cared for and protected, but also effectively and efficiently utilized, benefiting the nation as a whole.

At its heart, common-good conservatism invites us to return to a political reality that balances individual liberty with the national good, remembering that economic and political systems exist to serve people of the nation – not the other way around.

The rise of common-good conservatism is more than a political shift; it is a moral and cultural renewal rooted in principles that run deeply through the foundations of America. By placing families and communities at the center of public policy, this movement offers hope for a society where human flourishing (economic, familial, physical and spiritual) becomes the true measure of success.

For Catholics, it is an opportunity to witness to the timeless wisdom of the Church and work toward a more just and properly-ordered society.

Arthur is a former editor and consultant. Born in India to missionary parents, he spent his early career working in development for NGOs in Asia, Central America, and Africa.

Arthur has an educational background in history and psychology, with certifications from the University of Oxford and Leiden in the economics, politics, and ethics of mass migration and comparative theories in terrorism and counterterrorism. He is currently launching CivWest, a company focused on building capital to fund restorative projects and create resilient systems across the Western world.

Please join us in praying and fighting for Souls and Liberty; as well as, consider making a donation to support our work.